Extrangulated: The politics of the genocide of the Black Brazilian

Many strangers the fact that we involve politics in debates like racial, in the culture of what politics comes down to the process of elections and that it sums up the amount of votes, to whom it will govern and what ideology x candidate possesses. But it's a totally wrong inference. It is true that the conception of politics in the modern world is no longer the same as in ancient Greece, but it is necessary to question the deviations of this concept in everyday life if we really want a different world than we have, the question that is : What world do we want?

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Many strangers the fact that we involve politics in debates like racial, in the culture of what politics comes down to the process of elections and that it sums up the amount of votes, to whom it will govern and what ideology x candidate possesses. But it’s a totally wrong inference. It is true that the conception of politics in the modern world is no longer the same as in ancient Greece, but it is necessary to question the deviations of this concept in everyday life if we really want a different world than we have, the question that is : What world do we want?


The murder of a young man for an Extra supermarket network security in Rio de Janeiro on the same day that an 11-year-old girl was shot in the same state with suspicion of the perpetrators being police, raised an intense debate on social networks about violence Racial in the country. In Brazil, research indicates that every 10 young people executed, 7 are black and that, therefore, black people are victims of murder every 23 minutes (some data point 15). The main argument of questioning of these data is the use of the proportionality criterion that claims “that dies blacker for being majority”, but because this argument is not used to analyze the configuration of the National Congress or of the richest people in the Country? You see, these data are government officials and also the UN and they dialogue directly with the selectivity of Brazil’s public and historical policies, and that will be our effort in this text.

The Minister of Justice and Public Security, Sérgio Moro, announced last week a package called “anticrime” that will be implemented by the Government. In this package among many measures, the controversial “license to kill” granted to police forces, agents of the State, the State and that challenges the statistics of need for reform of the current police model, the most murderous in the world, and disorders the logic of Advancement of public security in ending death violence as a solution, what he does is even withdraw the punishment that presses the policeman not to make mistakes to give him freedom to shoot to kill or shoot to die. If the data on top is concrete, this punishment to the bullet for both policemen and those on the other side ends up being a racial criterion. They’re black people who die from both sides. Following the argument of proportionality of those who deny the racial issue behind, are white (government composition and Congress) signing a public war of blacks against blacks (greater configuration of the police, greater configuration of those who die by Police hands). This fact is the most recent one to exemplify the role of institutionalization in the genocide of the black people.

In the book “The New Segregation: racism and mass Incarceration”, the American author, Michelle Alexander, traces a profile of historical treatment to black people, showing how the main systemic forms of political control have always been based on Breed as a way of effecting this control and exploitation. Slavery is a period that almost in common agreement we are outraged by what it represents, I say almost in common because there are still those who do not assume this period as the fault of the system and can nevertheless be elected president. But this indignation did not come soon after its end, but in a secular dispute of narrative, denunciation, construction and much sacrifice and blood. After the abolition, the so-called Racial segregation laws, which dealt with sets of punitive and violent norms against black people, were present in all public and personal spaces. Black people couldn’t sit on buses alongside white people, black people were arrested for anything, like lobbing or just being in X place. These laws were ways of keeping intact the structure of exploration and control of newly freed blacks from slavery. Today, we question and even indignamos. But after all, after the end of these laws, did the black people finally be freed? The answer can come in a simple neck test, be it to look to the side in the streets and places we attend or to take our eyes to the main headlines of newspapers. The answer is no, the political system of control and exploitation of the Brazilian NEGRO has not ended.

If the black man freed from slavery had thought of revenge the situation would be more radical. But what the Brazilian Negro wanted was to integrate into society, to be part of it, simply, and I do not condemn ourselves, on the contrary. Having a job and getting paid for it, even if underpaid, having food on the table and raising your kids are basic necessities, but what we received was the ability of the system to make us look smaller and underchanged to the white elite, and “that integrating us was a charity on the part of them. ” To maintain this historical notion of the inferiority of the Negro, the state tried to recreate its own weapons, since slavery and Racial segregation laws were no longer to be defended. Now it took something that a good part of the blacks and the poor themselves believed to be the best method and that itself be used as an argument when the state was accused of being racist – “the first racists are blacks.” Thus emerges from the state depths the incarceration and the genocide based on any motive: a marijuana cigarette, a stop on the corner at night, a presence in a supermarket frequented by middle class whites. It was created the myth of the “Good Bandit is Dead Bandit”, with translation of “Good Black Is dead black”. He enslaved and marginalized the Brazilian Negro to kill without guilt and with the endorsement of people who justify and commemorate the death of one more. 

The barbarism of violence is a project, because it has a target. Finance and profit have been out of the same box ever since. There is no innocent in who coordinates the genocide of the black people, because they have more access to books than the young people that every day are executed in peripheries, favelas, supermarkets. Pedro Henrique and Jenifer were just two cases that gained repercussions. Here in Bahia, a few days ago, a mother had her newborn daughter killed with a bullet found, leaving a family party. While you watch the episode of your favorite series on Netflix, 3 young blacks on average are executed in the same way in Brazil, and in the country of Bolsonaro deaths are celebrated, justified and no longer treated as barbarism. To paraphrase the Federal Deputy Talíria Petrone: They are the black majority of the workers killed in the crime of Vale in Brumadinho, are black majority the dead by the rain in Rio de Janeiro, are black majority the dead in peripheries in Brazil. We need to ask: Who cares about the genocide of the black people?


Arun Garg
Iago Gomes-Graduated Professor in Letras (UEFS), anti-racist activist and LGBT, producer and publicist of Virtual content id = “” align = “alignleft” width=”15
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